The Constitutional Court's judgement that prohibits the City of Cape Town to sell land (its property) to private interests, in order to use it for developing low-housing housing near the CBD, is part of trends in court judgments that prioritise transformation and redress, while resulting in declining economic growth and a lack of certainty about property rights.

If I consider the results of wards won in by-elections since the 2021 Local Government elections, it seems to me that the ANC performance is declining, but not collapsing, and that of the DA stagnating, but declining in areas required to maintain the party's governance control over the Western Cape, and its competitiveness in the Northern Cape.

The Madlanga Commission, the Zondo Commission and many more, and their findings, are not the manifestation of a free, more open and accountable country; it is the visible manifistations of a country where government institutions, and then specifically those with the means to exercise state violence, are handed over to criminals in return for power and money. It is evidence of a state in collapse.

I have done an analysis of the results of municipal by-elections over the period 2021 (the previous Local Government elections), until May 2026. (There may be a few by-elections to come, but not many, because the cycle is about to conclude and close in preparation for the coming 2026 Local Government selections).

The ANC performed worse in 46 by-elections at the time of these elections, compared with the party’s performance in those wards during the 2021 local government elections. The DA performed better in a net gain of 9 wards, the EFF performed better in 6, the PA in 16 and the IFP in 23. Other parties and independents performed worse in 13 wards.

South Africa is a democracy. It has the best Constitution; an example for other countries around the world, including in the Western world. This Constitution guarantees all possible freedoms to individuals. A true open society has been established, one that guarantee freedom and equality. That is the narrative; the unquestionable “reality” since 1994. Except that, in reality, the South African constitution is rather complex in its allowances for, and guarantees of freedoms a

The Phala Phala judgment is, at most, a technical interpretation of the prescriptions of the Constitution, read in conjunction with that of Parliament’s rules. It is not substitutive, or then, it is not a judgment where judges had to make ideological choices that will shape the nature of South African society. Furthermore, it must be read within the context of Ramaphosa’s diminishing influence in the midst of, for the lack of a better word, the “progressive forces” on the lef

Die kern van ʼn Grondwetlike demokrasie is die beginsel dat ʼn (meestal geskrewe) Grondwet die mag van die staat beperk, en die regte van groepe, maar veral individue, teen magsmisbruik deur die staat beskerm. Die vraag wat in hierdie artikel gevra word, is of hierdie meganisme werklik die veiligheidsnet aan alle Suid-Afrikaners, op gelyke basis, bied wat gedurende die 1990-1994 oorgangsproses voorsien was?

Over the period 1980 to 2025, the median annual unemployment rate was 22,2%, Over the period 1961 to 1993, the median annual unemployment rate was 14,8%, over the period 1994 to 2025, 23,3% and from 2008 to 2025, 25,8%.

Affirmative action; or, as it is shamefully called in South Africa: “Employment Equity”, was (and is) a total failure. It is an excuse for enriching the vultures circulating around the carcass of an economy in destruction because of the unique model of “redress” applied by those that stole everything they can lay a hand on.